Community connections

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I discussed one headline from the Electoral Commission's report on improving the electoral register through data-matching in yesterday's post, and today plan to delve into the issues a bit deeper.

The summary, in essence, was that the pilots showed some potential but in the final analysis were "inconclusive".

When it came to finding new people to add to the register, the report concluded:

"On the whole, these pilots did not prove very effective at getting people on to the register. Despite the efforts invested by authorities in the pilots, very few additions (only 7,917) were subsequently made to the registers."

And when it came to finding people who were on the register but should not be, "most of the pilot schemes did not test this objective".

"This was in part due to a primary focus on identifying missing names and in part due to the volume and currency of the data received."

I can't help but think this was not a well-designed set of pilot schemes, but at least those involved now know what they don't know.

There seems to have been a lack of understanding between the data providers and the data users, which was exemplified by this line from the report:

"Many of the potential new electors suggested by the match with the DWP Centric database proved to be based on out of date or incorrect information. The problems posed by this could have been reduced by the inclusion of the date when the DWP record changed – something which DWP were willing to provide but were not asked to do so."

Another important point from the report was just how bad the public sector is at dealing with addresses, given how important they must be to delivering services and assessing needs.

The report said:

"The absence of a unique identifier attached to each address on the public national databases was a key issue for the pilots."

However it did add that this might be improved by the "planned inclusion of Unique Property Reference Numbers (a unique identifier for each address held) on the DWP database".

Finally, the Electoral Commission concluded that those running future pilots should "stay abreast of developments" in the government's identity assurance programme.

That is interesting, because if the source data was as difficult to use as it appeared to be, it does raise questions about how the ID assurance scheme itself will validate people against records.

For example, the tender notice for the scheme says:

"Verification will be performed in an appropriate channel (web, telephone or face to face). The provider will verify that sufficient evidence exists to verify that a person presenting on a given channel is the owner of the claimed identity"

Yet the Commission report indicates how difficult it is to match the DWP data to other official sources, let alone use it for authentication.

"There is substantial variation across local authorities regarding the level of match between the electoral registers and the DWP Centric database ranging from 45.7 per cent to 85.3 per cent.

"In total, 1,925,336 register entries were sent for matching and 1,370,006 were found on the DWP Centric database. That equates to a match level of 71.2 per cent.

"The percentage of register entries sent for matching but not found on DWP Centric varied across local authorities from 12.4 per cent to 47.6 per cent."

That said, though, part of the data-matching problem in this context was put down to the fact that electoral registers are address-based databases while DWP holds databases of people where the address is secondary.

These pilots also failed to allow enough time for proper address cleansing on both sets of data.

However, allowing for those issues the report said that in Greenwich some 11 per cent of those contacted said that a person expected to live at the property no longer did so (if they ever did), while in Camden it was nearly 14 per cent and in Wigan it was eight per cent.

So what might this mean for identity assurance and the DWP? The report says:

"These issues with the accuracy of matches or mis-matches relate primarily to the matching process used rather than the data held by DWP. The matching process was designed by Cabinet Office to allow for a wide range of possible matches and it was therefore inevitable that some apparent matches would prove to be false.

"However, it is also the case that the responses to the pilot follow-up activities are likely to understate the inaccuracies in the data as relatively few people who were written to responded either to register or to say the name 58 was incorrect. Indeed the fairly low numbers registering from the control groups compared with the overall canvass response (excluding the attainer-focused pilots) suggests that the level of inaccuracies in the data is high.

"The detailed results provided by Wigan on their control group are revealing as these names were subject to the full canvass. Of 1,138 names tracked through the canvass, 58 per cent of responses resulted in registrations that were not for the person named by the DWP at that address.

"The Colchester pilot used canvassers to follow up names suggested by matching with DWP and found similar results. The canvassers achieved 936 responses to their enquiries. Of these, 54 per cent indicated that the person had moved out, was unknown at the address or was deceased.

"DWP have indicated to us that they are aware of issues with the currency of some of the data they hold. Specifically, that the likelihood of someone having an up to date address on the DWP Centric database is related to how often they interact with DWP or another agency that feeds data into the DWP data warehouse.

"For example, DWP think it is more likely that people claiming some form of benefit will have an up-to-date address, as this is required in order to receive the benefit. On the other hand, people do not need to update their addresses in order to continue to receive their pension and many may fail to do so. DWP have also indicated that at the outset they highlighted the issue of variable data currency to the Cabinet Office as a possible issue for these pilots."

It will be interesting to see how the ID assurance programme attempts to square this circle.

 

Electoral Commission data-matching reportIn my last post, I said it was "slightly surprising" to read the government's claim that its new proposals to check the electoral register against other official databases will "confirm the accuracy of the majority of entries on the electoral register".

My scepticism was based on the fact that the evidence available up to that point had suggested that attempts at any such matching had proven pretty difficult.

Now the Electoral Commission has published its report on the data-matching pilot schemes and in a couple of deeply buried paragraphs has accused the Cabinet Office of lacking evidence to back up its claim.

The report says:

"While it is true that the results show an average match rate between the electoral registers and the DWP Centric database of around 65%, it is important to note that these pilots used a new, previously untested, matching process.

"In addition, very few of the pilots set out to confirm the accuracy of entries which matched, but to see whether those records which did not match were people missing from the electoral register who could be encouraged to reply...

"Given the government's intention to consider this route as a way of verifying register entries (and the timetable for the implementation of individual electoral registration (IER)), we recommend that further piloting take place urgently to assess the strengths and weaknesses of such an approach.

"At this stage, in our view, the evidence from these pilots is not sufficient to support such a significant change to the registration system."

It seems that the Cabinet Office and the deputy prime minister have jumped on some statistically unreliable numbers in order to relieve the political pressure they were under from claims that their plans would see large numbers of people drop off the electoral register during the switch from household to individual registration.

More should be made of this.

I'll assess the pilot evaluations in greater detail in another post tomorrow.

 

Last November I highlighted a report from the Commons political and constitutional reform committee which contained some pretty negative views about the use of 'data matching' to improve the electoral register.

"The evidence we have received... suggests that data matching will be of limited effectiveness, especially in identifying potential electors."

So it was slightly surprising to read the government's latest electoral registration proposals which suggest that checking the register against other official databases will "confirm the accuracy of the majority of entries on the electoral register".

Ministers have rethought their original proposals so that anyone on the existing household-based register whose existence can be confirmed by a separate official database will now be automatically transferred onto the individual electoral register.

The government says:

"Over the past year we have carried out a series of data matching pilots, comparing electoral registers in twenty-two areas with a range of data from public authorities. While the final evaluation is still being concluded, the evidence so far suggests that comparing entries on an electoral register with information held by the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) allows us to confirm as accurate a significant majority (an average of two thirds for that data set alone in the pilot areas) of entries on the registers concerned.

"Subject to the results of the full evaluation, and further testing this year, we are therefore minded to build on this to simplify the transition to [Individual Electoral Registration] for the majority of electors. It is now our intention that the names and addresses of all individuals currently on an electoral register will be matched against the data held by public bodies such as the DWP and local authorities themselves. If an elector's information can be matched, the individual will be automatically placed onto the new IER register and would not need to take any further action to be registered under IER. Only those people who cannot be confirmed automatically will be invited to provide identifying information to be verified. This should simplify the transition process for the majority of electors, reducing the number of people required to provide personal identifiers and will also allow [electoral registration officers] to free up resource to target the smaller group of people whose information cannot be matched and those who are currently missing from the register."

The new Cabinet Office publication also includes the first hard data on how well those data-matching pilots are going.

The table below shows matches between the DWP customer information system (CIS) and the electoral register in different areas.

Data matching success rates

Its stands out just how badly the data matching has performed in some parts of London, and raises the prospect of differential transfers between old and new registers in different parts of the country.

Potentially, parts of London (and perhaps other inner city areas) could see far more people drop off the register than other areas of the UK if this table is any guide.

Although there will still be other work to encourage people to re-register, such as advertising campaigns.

The government says:

"It is our view that this finding, if confirmed, opens up a significant opportunity to simplify the process of transition to IER. Our proposal in the White Paper was that all electors will be asked to apply individually in 2014-15 and provide identifiers which will then be verified against the DWP CIS. Instead, our view is that if data matching could be used to verify the majority of entries currently on the electoral register as these results suggest, a majority of people can be transitioned into IER without having to take any further action. Each entry would still be individually verified but without requiring an individual to provide any extra data. We believe that this will simplify the transition for the majority of people, reducing the data burden (so less new personal data is required) while providing assurance about the accuracy of the register. It will also enable more focus on electors missing from the register."

The document also suggests that some problems with attempts at data matching occurred because the DWP supplied old records to the councils involved in the pilots.

"We have learned lessons from the pilots in terms of making the process of data matching more effective and efficient and have put some of these lessons into practice to provide nine of the twenty-two pilots with more up to date DWP records."

The Electoral Commission is expected to publish its full review of the data-matching pilots in the next few weeks.

 
Voting on a ballot paper

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One of the least-developed sets of eDemocracy tools in the UK is websites which provide advice to people on how to vote.

These typically ask the user to answer questions on political issues before providing a personalised response on how their views compare to the policy stances taken by different parties or candidates.

I find these websites interesting because of their potential to distribute votes more widely among 'microparties' (should they exist) and thereby have disruptive effects on the political system.

However, some excellent research by Wall Matthew of Kieskompas.nl in Amsterdam, Krouwel André of Free University, Amsterdam and Vitiello Thomas of Sabanci University, Istanbul has raised some interesting questions about the interaction between online voting advice and political beliefs.

The Dutch context

Their paper looked at the effect of Kieskompas.nl on how its users voted in the 2010 Dutch legislative elections.

The Netherlands has more experience with such websites than anywhere else, given that they originated there, and also provided an interesting political backdrop to the study.

The research highlights a trend over recent decades to "more volatile patterns of partisan sentiment and of voting behaviour" with many Dutch voters seemingly deciding on which party to support during the course of the campaign. And the party system is fragmented enough to give voters a wide range of choices.

"In such a chaotic informational context, a clear, personalized vote recommendation may be more appealing to voters than it would be in a more stable, less fragmented system."

Research method

The research compared data from the site's log files on the recommendations given to users with responses to surveys of their views before they received the advice and again (on an opt-in basis so not representative) after the election.

It also sought to deal with the conundrum which arises from the fact that the site is designed to identify the party that is ideologically 'closest' to the user. This being the case, there is a need to distinguish between cases of the site exerting 'influence' over the actual vote cast by the user from instances of the site correctly identifying the user's voting intentions.

However, in a helpful piece of data collection the site asked its users to estimate the likelihood that they would ever vote for each of the main parties competing in the election. This could then be compared with the advice they were given and their actual votes in the election.

The findings

When users were asked to characterise what, if any, effect they thought the site had on their vote choice, 29 per cent stated that it had 'no effect' while 71 per cent said they consciously experienced some form of 'effect'.

Some 30.2 per cent indicated that the experience was one of 'preference confirmation' while 26.1 per cent stated that their visit presented them with previously unconsidered options.

Smaller numbers said the visit directly shaped their vote choice – either by helping them to choose among several parties that they were considering (9.2 per cent) or by leading them to vote for a previously unconsidered party (1.2 per cent).

However, amongst the survey respondents, 26.5 per cent followed the voting suggestion given to them by the website while 73.5 per cent did not.

This is not the full story, however.

"The crucial element for understanding the nature of the influence exerted by the kieskompas.nl site on its users is the interplay between users' pre-existing preferences and the advice that the site generates."

The report authors conclude that "people were only likely to 'follow' the advice issued to them when the recommended party was one that they were strongly considering voting for already".

But they add that "there is evidence for the existence of a causal [website] 'effect' on user vote choice".

"Ultimately, the findings reported in this article are relatively straightforward – it appears that our survey respondents were influenced by the automated advice that they received on kieskompas.nl, but that they did not follow the site's advice when the recommended party was not seen as a contender for their vote... before the advice was received.

"Being advised by a [website] to vote for a party which one was already seriously considering appears to crystallise that pre-existing preference, making it demonstrably more likely that the site user will go on to vote for the recommended party.

"Incongruent advice appears to be, for the most part, disregarded by site users when they vote."

So the lesson from this paper is that the site can have influence, but from the range of parties which the user is already inclined towards.

Transparency and credibility

The one piece of potentially interesting data that isn't covered in the study is how wide this range actually is in practice.

If voters are theoretically prepared to vote for one of a broad range of parties then the impact of the website could be larger than if voters are only leaning towards a couple of parties.

The authors also make one other sensible point which should be taken to heart by anyone running an eDemocracy-related site.

They state that "the political science community must police such sites, and total transparency of party coding and advice generating procedures must be the standard for a [voting advice] site to be considered credible".

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