The 2011 Hansard Society Audit of Political Engagement takes an in-depth look at British attitudes to various forms of political activity and engagement.

Its conclusions and data offer a few pointers to both why eDemocracy is important and the difficulties it has to overcome (these are really two sides of the same coin).

The challenge is summed up in this quote from Peter Riddell in the foreword to the publication.

"Whereas the 2010 report was dominated by the impact of the expenses scandal, this one was overshadowed by the May general election and the creation of the coalition.

"One result is that perceived knowledge of politics and Parliament, and interest in politics, have risen this year, notably among 25 to 44-year-olds.

"However, this has not been driven by any increase in participation levels since political activity is no higher than in years without an election. People are happy to be spectators rather than players.

"Moreover, despite the increase in knowledge of Parliament, fewer are satisfied with it, 27 per cent, compared with 33 per cent a year ago."

So despite 2010 being a general election year, for most people political engagement did not get beyond what the report terms the "entry level action" of voting.

"An election does not seem to act as a spur to encourage wider political or indeed civic activities."

So the failure of the political system as it stands is that more interest and knowledge about politics and democracy is resulting in lower satisfaction and stagnant participation rates.

Satisfaction with Parliament declined by six points to a record low, with just 27 per cent saying they are very or fairly satisfied with the way that Parliament works and only 30 per cent agreeing that Parliament is 'working for you and me' (a drop of eight points in a year).

The research also provided some further evidence that the 'pure' representative model of democracy is not sufficient for most people, who think politicians should continue to consult between elections.

In the discussion groups that were held as part of the research, a "sense of contact and communication" was important to many participants and they "actively wanted MPs to engage with them".

"For example, on the whole they wanted MPs to consult regularly with their constituents before making decisions in Parliament. Many felt that as an MP is there to represent the views of their constituents – to be the 'voice of the people' – it was important they find out what the public think about an issue in hand; that unless they consulted with them the MP would be in no position to act on behalf of their constituents."

The emphasis on MPs being the "voice of the people" rather than supporting the party and its manifesto or following their own consciences is an interesting example of what happens when public expectation and constitutional theory don't quite align.

Still, the findings suggest a degree of support for what Labour MP Stella Creasy has called "perpetual engagement" by political parties rather than the usual "perpetual campaign".

Yet this engagement clearly has to take place outside of the normal party structures (Update: See this tweet from Stella Creasy for clarification of her view).

The Ipsos-MORI polling data which accompanied the Audit shows that only two per cent of people say they will definitely spend time doing voluntary work with a political party in the next few years, and five per cent say they probably will. And while 11 per cent say they may do work for a party, 33 per cent say it is not very likely and 48 per cent are certain they won't.

So of the potential ways to engage those who are not committed to party politics, online communication has to be the option with the lowest barriers to entry in most cases.

And having low barriers to entry seems important, because the Hansard Society report also has a useful chart showing the take-up of different forms of political engagement.

Hansard Society graph of political activity

As the report says, the chart "conveys the extent to which there is a tripartite division of activity predicated on the degree of sustained commitment and time required to undertake each particular activity".

So the most common activities, voting in a general or local election, require the least amount of time and effort.

Then there are activities such as discussing politics, donating money to a charity or campaigning organisation and signing a petition which "require only cursory time and attention".

But then grouped together at the bottom of the chart are the deeper forms of participation like doing voluntary work or holding discussions with a politician.

To me, the ability for the internet to simplify the journey from shallow forms of engagement into deeper ones is perhaps the most important aspect of eDemocracy.

In the world of eCommerce, the 'people who purchased this also bought this' links prove effective.

In the world of eDemocracy there should be far more 'people who signed this ePetition are also campaigning on this issue and discussing it in this forum'.

So we should use the broad but shallow forms of participation as entry points into deeper forms of engagement.

Although the technology has its many critics, this should be one of the great benefits of eVoting.

When so many people are focused on democracy and politics and the choices facing the country, just for that brief moment, it is a fantastic waste that the place where most cast their votes usually provides no information about further engagement.

If there were online options for voting then the potential to conclude the process even with just a list of opportunities for volunteering with local charities could make a big difference.

 

A survey from UK Online Centres finds that eVoting (which I've written about previously) remains popular with the public, at least in principle.

Some 93 per cent would have liked to vote online in the general election, while 63 per cent said they would be more likely to vote in the next election if they could do so online (the high percentages are a result of the survey being conducted online – no information is given on how many people took part in the survey).

And 48 per cent said convenience was the main reason for wanting to vote from home or work, while 25 said they see the election process as old-fashioned.

The poll indicates support for 'multi-channel' elections, in which voters are presented with a variety of ways to cast their votes rather than just the traditional polling station, postal and proxy votes

Thirty-four per cent said they wouldn't want to vote online, with 79 per cent of that group saying this was because they "like to go in person to the polling station".

Just seven per cent said they are "afraid of the government knowing my vote", with the same proportion saying they are "afraid of other people or organisations knowing my vote". There are some people would say they should be afraid but perhaps people find the 'black box' of the eVoting software no more or less off-putting than the actual physical black box at the polling station.

What the survey indicates is the extent to which voters want the process of voting to be as convenient as everything else the internet has enabled.

While setting up and piloting eVoting and the infrastructure to support it has costs, I think the poll points out the costs of not implementing better systems.

These are not costs borne by the government, but by all the people who have to go out of their way to stand in queues to show they are good citizens. Add up all those minutes and the 'opportunity cost' of current voting systems becomes a little clearer.

 

There is an Ipsos-Mori opinion poll in the latest edition of the Economist which is worth some attention (article here and full details here).

It's interesting because, as the newspaper reports, it indicates that public perceptions of what they want change as the consequences of those choices are made clearer.

For example, 85 per cent of the public strongly agree or tend to agree that "people should have more control over how public services are provided locally". Asked if they would still approve if the consequence was that "it will mean that the services residents receive will vary between local areas", the figure dropped to 63 per cent.

Similar findings apply in other areas, although perhaps to a lesser extent when issues of morality are involved.

As one of the commenters on the article says, it could be that the public is making more sophisticated choices than the questions and answers allow for.

But that aside, the poll does seem to make the point that for participation to be meaningful, the scope of choices cannot be narrowed artificially.

There is also an interesting set of responses to a question on whether citizens should get involved in improving public services.

A huge 86 per cent agree that "people in Britain should get more involved in helping improve our public services and local areas". Asked if they themselves should become involved, the figure falls to 68 per cent.

And when it is suggested that "the government is responsible for improving public services and local areas, they shouldn't be calling on the public to help" then 60 per cent agree.

But perhaps this issue isn't as big or surprising as it seems. It is only natural to change your mind as new information about the consequences of your choices becomes available to you.

A better question might be: Do you think you should be involved in helping to shape public services or do you think they should be left to the government?

So it is not just the range of choices which needs to be clear, but also their pros and cons.

Perhaps, then, when it comes to involving the public in making choices, it has to be all or nothing to be truly meaningful and effective. Their involvement cannot be effectively confined to simple 'yes' or 'no' options.

The Economist suggests that dealing with contradictions is the job of politicians who "must appear to be honest, while at the same time finessing the unpalatable decisions that voters themselves are not keen to make".

Perhaps there is an alternative to endless "finessing" (there are other less elegant words that could be used here). Offering greater information and clarity of choices and consequences might be it.

Ipsos MORI interviewed a representative sample of 1,253 adults aged 18 and over across Great Britain. Interviews were conducted by telephone between April 18 and 20, 2010. Data was weighted to match the profile of the population.

 

Just taking a quick look at the Sunday opinion polls has covered by UK Polling Report.

For some reason, looking at their website always reminds me of this...

The sketch is from the brilliant That Mitchell and Webb Look

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